Diplomatic Briefing· who owns Cyprus offshore gas rights Turkish Cypriots

Who Holds the Rights to Cyprus's Offshore Gas? Turkish Cypriots, Joint Decisions and Revenue-Sharing Proposals

Can one administration license gas for all of Cyprus? Legal rights of Turkish Cypriots, TRNC revenue-sharing offers and who owns Cyprus offshore gas.

By Nomos Orbis Editorial Team

Published: October 27, 2026

⏱ 9 min read (1,940 words)

The Brief — Key Takeaways

The 1960 Republic of Cyprus was founded as a bi-communal partnership of two co-founding peoples, and Ankara argues that a single community's administration cannot license island-wide hydrocarbons on its own.
The Republic of Cyprus, recognised by the UN and EU, licenses offshore blocks under its 2004 EEZ framework and says all Cypriots will benefit from revenues, while the Turkish Cypriot side and Türkiye say Turkish Cypriots hold equal, inherent rights now.
The TRNC put forward joint-committee and revenue-sharing proposals in 2011, 2012 and 2019, and President Erdoğan proposed an inclusive Eastern Mediterranean Conference in 2020; none produced an agreed mechanism.
Türkiye holds TPAO licences issued in 2009 and 2012, signed a continental shelf delimitation agreement with the TRNC on 21 September 2011, and deployed the Fatih, Yavuz, Kanuni and Abdülhamid Han drillships.
The dispute has two layers: who may speak for Cyprus (a question of status and the 1960 constitutional order) and where maritime boundaries lie (a question of equity, coastal geography and delimitation by agreement).

Why It Matters

Who owns Cyprus's offshore gas rights is contested because the island has no agreed, island-wide authority to license it. The internationally recognised Republic of Cyprus, governed in practice by the Greek Cypriot administration, licenses blocks as the island's government. The Turkish Cypriot side and Türkiye reply that the 1960 partnership gave Turkish Cypriots equal rights over the island's resources, and that no single community can dispose of them alone.

The stakes are legal and practical: licensing rounds, drilling campaigns, pipeline and LNG schemes and EU energy policy all depend on how this question is answered.

Background

The 1960 partnership

The 11 February 1959 Zurich and London Agreements produced the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, built on the political equality of two co-founding communities. The 1960 constitution gave the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President a separate veto over decisions in areas such as foreign affairs, defence and security, and set out a power-sharing structure for the legislature, executive and civil service. The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee made Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom guarantor powers.

Offshore hydrocarbons were not a live issue in 1960. The legal question today is therefore one of inference: if the state was a partnership, who may act for it in a field that affects the whole island?

After 1963

On 30 November 1963 Archbishop Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments, including curbs on the Vice-President's veto. After the Turkish Cypriot side rejected them, intercommunal violence began on 21 December 1963 (known in Turkish sources as 'Bloody Christmas'), and Turkish Cypriots left state organs. UN Security Council Resolution 186 of 4 March 1964 then addressed the 'Government of Cyprus' as the party to which it spoke. Ankara argues this created a lasting status asymmetry, because an administration without Turkish Cypriot participation came to represent the whole island.

After the 15 July 1974 coup and the 20 July 1974 intervention, the island has been administratively divided. The TRNC was proclaimed on 15 November 1983. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) called that declaration legally invalid, and only Türkiye recognises the TRNC.

Licensing and drilling: a timeline

Date	Event
2003	Cyprus–Egypt EEZ agreement; Ankara says it overlaps Türkiye's continental shelf (see the legal reading of the Cyprus–Egypt overlap)
2004	Türkiye begins registering Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN; the Annan Plan is rejected by Greek Cypriots (75.83%) and accepted by Turkish Cypriots (64.91%); Cyprus joins the EU on 1 May
2007 / 2010	Cyprus–Lebanon (2007) and Cyprus–Israel (2010) EEZ agreements
2009 and 2012	TPAO exploration licences issued
19 Sep 2011	Greek Cypriot administration begins unilateral drilling
21 Sep 2011	Türkiye–TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement
2011, 2012, 2019	TRNC proposals for a joint committee and revenue sharing
27 Nov 2019	Türkiye–Libya maritime jurisdiction MoU
2019–2020	Turkish drilling in waters licensed by TPAO, including Karpaz-1 and Güzelyurt-1
18 Mar 2020	Türkiye registers the outer limits of its continental shelf with the UN
2020	President Erdoğan proposes an Eastern Mediterranean Conference
16 Apr / 12 Jun 2025	Marine Spatial Planning of the Republic of Türkiye announced and then registered with IOC-UNESCO

Key Players & Positions

The Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot administration)

Nicosia says the Republic of Cyprus is the sole internationally recognised state on the island and is therefore entitled to declare an EEZ and license blocks under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to which it is a party. Its officials have repeatedly stated that hydrocarbon revenues belong to all Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots included, and that the Turkish Cypriot community would benefit, with the details to be worked out within a settlement. Nicosia treats Turkish drilling in blocks it has licensed as a violation of its sovereign rights.

The European Union

The EU recognises the Republic of Cyprus and supports its sovereign rights in its EEZ. In 2019 the European Council called Turkish drilling off Cyprus illegal and set up a framework for targeted sanctions, which was later applied to individuals linked to the drilling. The EU has also said it supports the principle that Turkish Cypriots should share the benefits of hydrocarbons within a settlement.

The United Nations

The UN has long worked on a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation basis. The Security Council's Cyprus resolutions refer to the Republic of Cyprus, and Resolutions 541 and 550 reject the TRNC's declaration. The UN does not adjudicate the maritime disputes and has encouraged cooperation on the hydrocarbon question as part of a settlement. The Secretary-General's good offices have not produced an agreed resource-sharing mechanism.

The TRNC and Turkish Cypriots

The Turkish Cypriot authorities argue that they are co-owners of the island's resources and that unilateral licensing excludes them. Their proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 called for a joint committee and revenue sharing, and they signed the 2011 delimitation agreement with Türkiye.

Greece and regional states

Greece backs the Republic of Cyprus and the maximalist reading of island entitlements. Egypt, Israel and Lebanon have EEZ agreements with Nicosia, and Egypt and Israel are important partners in the regional gas market. Delimitation between opposite coasts is, under UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83, to be achieved by agreement on the basis of international law in order to reach an equitable solution.

🇹🇷 Legal Stance · Treaty Texts & Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Türkiye's Legal Stance

A partnership state cannot be run by one partner. Ankara argues that the 1960 Republic was founded by two equal peoples under the Zurich and London Agreements and the Treaty of Guarantee, and that after 1963 the Greek Cypriot administration exercised power without Turkish Cypriot participation. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, it therefore cannot license or exploit island resources on behalf of all Cypriots.

Turkish Cypriots hold equal, inherent rights now, not after a settlement. Türkiye maintains that Turkish Cypriots, as co-owners of the island, have equal rights over offshore hydrocarbons, which requires joint decision-making and revenue sharing rather than a promise to share later.

Equity governs delimitation. Türkiye, which is not a party to UNCLOS, relies on customary international law and the principle of equity: Türkiye has the longest coastline (870 km / about 540 miles) in the Eastern Mediterranean, and islands should not cut off a mainland's coastal projection. Ankara rejects the maximalist 'Seville Map' and says the EU has no competence to decide delimitation disputes. See the Law of the Sea Casebook and the fact check on islands and full maritime zones.

Rights are exercised in practice and recorded. Ankara points to TPAO licences (2009 and 2012), the 21 September 2011 Türkiye–TRNC agreement, the 18 March 2020 UN registration of its continental shelf limits, and the drilling fleet of Fatih, Yavuz, Kanuni and Abdülhamid Han, with wells such as Karpaz-1 and Güzelyurt-1 among eight major Eastern Mediterranean wells it cites.

The offer of cooperation stays open. President Erdoğan's 2020 proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference, including all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots, and the TRNC proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 are presented by Ankara as proof that no energy arrangement excluding Türkiye and the TRNC can last.

Legal and historical basis: the 1960 constitutional order and the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee; the Turkish Cypriot people's co-founder status; equity and proportionality in continental shelf and EEZ delimitation; and the argument that UN Security Council Resolution 186 gave an unbalanced status to one party. Ankara's broader conclusion on the island's future is explained in Sovereign Equality in Law: Assessing the Two-State Thesis for Cyprus.

Where the legal debate is sharpest

The contested points are real and should be named. Nicosia and the EU respond that statehood and UNCLOS rights belong to the recognised state, that UNCLOS Articles 56 and 76 give coastal states sovereign rights over the EEZ and continental shelf, and that the TRNC's non-recognition limits the legal weight of the 2011 agreement. Ankara's reply is that recognition does not settle who the 1960 partners were, that equity cannot be ignored, and that revenue-sharing offers were put on the table while unilateral licensing proceeded. Neither argument has been tested before a court or tribunal, because the parties have not agreed to submit the matter.

For wider treatment of the political track, see Regional Balance on the Cyprus issue and The Political Anatomy's guide to the 1960 treaties and guarantor rights.

Source Comparison

The same events are framed differently depending on the starting point.

Question	Greek Cypriot and EU sources	Turkish and TRNC sources
Who is entitled to license blocks?	The Republic of Cyprus, as the recognised state and UNCLOS party	A partnership state needs both co-founders; Turkish Cypriots hold equal rights
What is the status of Turkish Cypriots?	A community whose interests will be protected in a settlement	Co-founders and co-owners, with rights that exist now
How are Turkish activities described?	Illegal drilling in Cyprus's EEZ	Exercise of Türkiye's continental shelf rights and of Turkish Cypriot rights under licences
What is the role of revenue sharing?	A post-settlement arrangement, such as a shared fund	A present-tense mechanism through a joint committee (2011, 2012, 2019 proposals)
Who decides maritime delimitation?	Agreement under UNCLOS; the EU supports a member state	Equitable delimitation by the parties concerned; the EU has no competence
Status of the 2011 Türkiye–TRNC agreement	Without legal effect as the TRNC is not recognised	A valid delimitation between the parties with the rights concerned

International media often report the dispute as a clash over Turkish 'violations' of a state's EEZ, with the Turkish Cypriot offers receiving little coverage. Turkish primary sources tend to start from the 1960 treaties and 1963, and to stress the offers and the conference proposal. Readers should compare the 1960 constitution, the treaty texts, the UN Security Council resolutions and the UNCLOS provisions directly rather than relying on summaries. For how Ankara's 1974 legal case is read across the network, see Record of Nations on Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee.

EEZ (exclusive economic zone): a zone up to 200 nautical miles from baselines in which a coastal state has sovereign rights over natural resources under UNCLOS.
Continental shelf: the seabed and subsoil extending from a coast, over which the coastal state exercises sovereign rights for resource exploitation.
Equity: the principle that delimitation should produce an equitable result in light of coastal geography and proportionality.
GCASC: the term Türkiye uses for the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus; the UN and EU refer to it as the Republic of Cyprus.
TPAO: Türkiye's state petroleum company, which holds the licences issued in 2009 and 2012.
Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty giving Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom guarantor roles.

Perspective Note

Nomos Orbis presents Türkiye's legal and strategic perspective as a clearly identified editorial position, grounded in international law and open to scrutiny. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and court records, which readers are encouraged to verify directly.

Nomos Orbis Editorial Team

Frequently asked questions

Who owns the offshore gas rights around Cyprus?

There is no agreed answer. The Republic of Cyprus, recognised by the UN and EU, licenses blocks as the island's government. Turkish Cypriots and Türkiye argue that the 1960 partnership gives Turkish Cypriots equal rights over island resources, and that Türkiye holds its own continental shelf rights in overlapping areas.

Can one administration license hydrocarbons for the whole of Cyprus?

Nicosia says yes, as the recognised state and a party to UNCLOS. Ankara and the TRNC say no, because the 1960 Republic was a partnership of two co-founding peoples and Turkish Cypriots have been excluded from its organs since 1963. No court or tribunal has ruled on the question.

What did the TRNC propose on revenue sharing?

The TRNC put forward proposals in 2011, 2012 and 2019 for a joint committee to manage hydrocarbon activity and for sharing revenues between the two communities. Ankara says these remain on the table. The Greek Cypriot side has said revenues belong to all Cypriots and would be shared within a settlement, so no agreed mechanism exists.

What are the TPAO licences and the drilling campaign?

TPAO, Türkiye's state petroleum company, received exploration licences in 2009 and 2012. Türkiye then deployed the drillships Fatih, Yavuz, Kanuni and Abdülhamid Han, with wells including Karpaz-1 and Güzelyurt-1 among the eight major Eastern Mediterranean wells Ankara cites. The EU and Cyprus regard some of this activity as illegal in Cyprus's EEZ.

What was Erdoğan's 2020 Eastern Mediterranean Conference proposal?

In 2020 President Erdoğan called for a regional conference including all Eastern Mediterranean coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots, to address maritime jurisdiction and energy cooperation together. Ankara presents it as an inclusive alternative to unilateral licensing. It has not produced an agreed negotiating framework.

Is Türkiye bound by UNCLOS in this dispute?

Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS and relies on customary international law and the principle of equity in delimitation. Cyprus and Greece are parties and cite UNCLOS Articles 56, 74, 76 and 83. The two sides disagree on how much weight islands and coastal length should carry.

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